Identity versus Issues

Amanda Marcotte explains the breakdown of political discourse.

[T]rolling liberals is no longer considered just a fun sport, but the ultimate purpose of conservative politics. The idea of making a positive argument in favor of conservative values has atrophied, leaving only the desire to troll in its place.

Some might talk about "making American great again", but it's not a positive vision.

[T]he American right has devolved into a nihilistic movement, prepared to tear down the country rather than share it fairly with women, LGBT people and people of color.

Even so, Uwe Bott finds signs of hope that the situation can be altered.

[M]aybe, just maybe, the ruthlessness and inconsiderateness of [Orangeman] has awakened the very forces that will possibly change the United States for the better.

Meanwhile, Sophia Tesfaye demonstrates how Republicans drag their feet on helping people if it means they might gain some advantage in the next election. And in an interview with Chauncey DeVega, Brian Schaffner finds a growing polarization among white people.

[Von Clownstick] seemed to benefit from receiving an unprecedented amount of support from whites without college degrees, a fact that was particularly important in states like Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania. My research suggests that this support was strongly driven by racial resentment and sexism among that exact demographic.

And Conor Lynch notes that even within the Democratic Party, "tribalism has infected our political discourse [with] party loyalty [taking] precedence over political values". Conor refers to a study by Lilliana Mason.

While issue-based ideology is founded on a set of beliefs and a unique worldview, identity-based ideology, as the term implies, is mostly about group identity. Not surprisingly, the latter is much more likely to bring about the kind of political tribalism and personal resentment that we commonly see today. It is the "otherness" of ideological opponents, Mason writes, “more than issue-based disagreement, that drives liberal-versus-conservative rancor.”

Mason's research finds that "conservatives are even more likely to be driven by group identity than liberals, even though they might actually agree with liberal or progressive positions on many issues".  Lynch says that polarization will only get worse if politics remains a "team sport" where compromise does nothing to help you "win". And so he argues for more voices like Bernie Sanders

who talks about the issues and offers progressive solutions that are popular with the broader public, while avoiding overheated partisanship, [and who] appeal[s] not just to liberals and young people in blue states but to many voters in traditionally Red states. Though identity-based ideology has grown more pervasive over the past few decades, there is still a strong underlying desire for issue-based candidates.

Update (May 5):  David Mislin links conflict over support for the Viet Nam war with the rise of evangelical conservatives.

As it became apparent that many mainline church leaders had embraced the anti-war position, it became equally clear that not all U.S. Protestants agreed with them.

Mainline Protestant denominations ... went into decline, losing nearly one in six members between 1970 and 1985.

In the same years, Evangelical churches grew by double-digit percentages. They welcomed Americans who had abandoned mainline denominations to protest the liberal views of clergy on many social issues, including the Vietnam War. These churches supported the religious right and its brand of conservative politics.

Update (July 9):  Paul Rosenberg examines the history of evangelical and right-wing hypocrisy. And John Fea seeks to understand the appeal of von Clownstick to his (former) fellow believers.

The social and cultural changes of the Obama administration — particularly regarding human sexuality — sent conservative evangelicals into a state of panic. They saw [Orangeman] as the GOP candidate best suited to protect them from the forces working to undermine the values of the world they once knew.

Evangelical support for [Dear Leader] is also rooted in nostalgia for a bygone Christian golden age. Instead of doing the hard work necessary for engaging a more diverse society with the claims of Christian orthodoxy, evangelicals are intellectually lazy, preferring to respond to cultural change by trying to reclaim a world that is rapidly disappearing and has little chance of ever coming back.

Update (September 14):  Haydar Khan suggests that "intersectionality" logically leads to greater divisions among left constituencies.

Update (November 5):  Lynn Parramore interviews Adolph Reed and they agree:

If politicians continue to focus on issues like race, xenophobia, and homophobia without delivering practical solutions to the economic problems working people face, from health care costs to the retirement crisis to student debt, [we could] end up continuing to move in the direction of fascism.